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German Peace Angel pencil sketch from November, 1917, insisting Peace Will Come Soon. In fact, she would not come for another year, on November 11, 1918.
Postcard of Myslowitz and the Dreikaiserreichsecke — the three empire's corner — where the Russian, Austro-Hungarian, and German empires met. The left pane shows a Bismarck tower. The three emperors are Tsar Nicholas II of Russia, Kaiser Willhelm II of Germany, and Kaiser Franz-Joseph of Austria-Hungary.
Parted red curtains; in the center, in a trench, a German soldier, eyes closed, hands in overcoat pockets, leans against one side of a trench, smoking a pipe, his rifle resting on the other side of the trench. To the right, a Red soldier, red from red fur hat to red boots, holds two rifles. To the left, a Russian soldier casts away his his hat, backpack, and rifle. Across the bottom of the stage it reads, 1918. Operett: "Trockij", Operetta Trotsky. A watercolor postcard by Schima Martos.
French Prime Minister Georges Clemenceau greeting General Fernando Tamagnini, commander of Portuguese forces on the Western Front.
Tinted postcard of Marshal Ferdinand Foch. Made Commander-in-Chief of all Allied forces on the Western Front April 3, 1918, he led the Allies to victory in November.
". . . Decorations in the New Year's dish-out are counted by hundreds and thousands; nearly every General has something. Is peace coming? We had Giraud for lunch at H.Q. He is for ending the War now, being very doubtful of the French people sticking it much longer: he says the bulk of their rank and file, and their Labour officials want peace, the old people want revenge, trade wants annexations and privileges: France distrusts Ll. George—says he is all for personal kudos." ((1), more)
"The government of the Russian Republic considers it necessary to carry on the further negotiations on neutral ground, and proposes removing to Stockholm. Regarding attitude to the proposals as formulated by the German and Austro-Hungarian delegation in Points 1 and 2, the government of the Russian Republic and the Pan-Russian Central Executive Committee of the Councils of Workers', Soldiers' and Peasants' Deputies consider, in entire agreement with the view expressed by our delegation, that the proposals are contrary to the principle of national self-determination, even in the restricted form in which it appears in Point 3 of the reply given by the Four Powers on the 12th ult." ((2), more)
". . . if the Russians do break off negotiations, it will place us in a very unpleasant position. The only way to save the situation is by acting quickly and energetically with the Ukrainian delegation, and we therefore commenced this work on the afternoon of the same day. There is thus at least a hope that we may be able to arrive at positive results with them within reasonable time.In the evening, after dinner, came a wire from Petersburg announcing the arrival of the delegation, including the Foreign Minister, Trotzky. It was interesting to see the delight of all the Germans at the news; not until this sudden and violent outbreak of satisfaction was it fully apparent how seriously they had been affected by the thought that the Russians would not come. Undoubtedly this was a great step forward, and we all feel that peace is really now on the way." ((3), more)
"— The 5th. Clemenceau is credited with the intention of imitating the tactics of the General Staff in the Dreyfus case by making use of a despatch from Sonnino intended to crush Caillaux. . . . .— The 5th. Interview with Clemenceau in the Petit Parisien. His sole aim, 'To win!' He repeats the word just like a little child proud of uttering its first syllables. To win, to win!" ((4), more)
". . . in order to determine the conditions for undertaking a counter offensive that would break the existing clinch, as recommended by General Foch, 'there must be,' stated the General Staff in a note of January 6, 1918, 'a higher organ of command which can at all times defend the general plan adopted as against personal inclinations and individual interests, take rapid decisions, and get them carried out without loss of time. To make this possible, it is essential—at least in what concerns the front between the North Sea and Switzerland—that some military authority be appointed which, acting on behalf of the Coalition and in accordance with the views of the Supreme War Council, can exercise a directive action on the whole front, handle the common reserves, prepare the disengaging counter attack, and launch it at the proper moment." ((5), more)
(1) Excerpt from the entry for January 2, 1918 from the writings — diaries, letters, and memoirs — of Captain J. C. Dunn, Medical Officer of the Second Battalion His Majesty's Twenty-Third Foot, the Royal Welch Fusiliers, and fellow soldiers who served with him. Giraud was the Corps intepreter; David Lloyd George the British Prime Minister. Peace initiatives — by the Pope and Germany — and the treaty negotiations in Brest-Litovsk between Russia and the Central Powers, raised hopes by many on both sides that peace would come soon.
The War the Infantry Knew 1914-1919 by Captain J.C. Dunn, page 430, copyright © The Royal Welch Fusiliers 1987, publisher: Abacus (Little, Brown and Company, UK), publication date: 1994
(2) A telegram from the Russian government in Petrograd to its delegation negotiating a peace settlement with the Central Powers at Brest-Litovsk. German and Austro-Hungarian delegates feared that socialists from many lands would descend upon a conference held in Stockholm in neutral Sweden. The Russians feared that Germany and Austria-Hungary would recognize the independence of nations — such as Poland and Ukraine — within what had been the Russian Empire.
In the World War by Count Ottokar Czernin, page 255, copyright © 1920, by Harper & Brothers, publisher: Harper and Brothers, publication date: 1920
(3) Excerpt from the entry for January 4, 1918 by Count Ottokar Czernin in his In the World War, on the stalemate at the Brest-Litovsk peace conference between Russia and the Central Powers. The Russians feared that Germany and Austria-Hungary would recognize the independence of nations — such as Poland and Ukraine — within what had been the Russian Empire. The Germans and Austrians were prepared to do so if they had no Russian negotiating partner, but clearly preferred working with the Russians. Russian leader Vladimir Lenin was concerned that the delegation as initially constituted was not up to the task, and sent Leon Trotsky to lead it.
In the World War by Count Ottokar Czernin, page 257, copyright © 1920, by Harper & Brothers, publisher: Harper and Brothers, publication date: 1920
(4) Entries for January 5, 1918 from the diary of Michel Corday, a senior civil servant in the French government writing in Paris. Corday wrote frequently against those who strove for victory at any cost, and numbered Georges Clemenceau, French Prime Minister as of November, 1917, among them. Joseph Caillaux was a leader of the Radical Party who was arrested later in 1918, accused of treason for his support for a compromise peace. Clemenceau's call 'to win' left little room for his political opponents. Sidney Sonnino was Italian Minister of Foreign Affairs.
The Paris Front: an Unpublished Diary: 1914-1918 by Michel Corday, page 306, copyright © 1934, by E.P. Dutton & Co., Inc., publisher: E.P. Dutton & Co., Inc., publication date: 1934
(5) The Allied Supreme War Council had been created at the Rapallo Conference in Italy in November, 1917 after the Italian disaster in the Battle of Caporetto. It consisted of the Prime Minister and one cabinet minister from each Allied nation, supported by a staff that included a military representative of each country. General Ferdinand Foch was the initial French military representative, and the leading proponent of a unified command.
The Memoirs of Marshal Foch, translated by Col. T. Bentley Mott by Ferdinand Foch, page 237, copyright © 1931 by Doubleday, Doran & Company, Inc., publisher: Doubleday, Doran & Co., publication date: 1931
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